Young Adults: Single People and Single Person Households

ABSTRACT - The proportion of young adults at every age who are single has increased markedly over the past decade-and-a-half. Some forces that have led to this trend are presented and discussed. The effects of these forces in the future are uncertain. The "single" stage of the life cycle is undergoing a basic change from a stage in which the major activities were mate-searching and marriage-preparation to one in which the major activities are oriented toward personal growth and enriching personal experience. The effects of this change are changing patterns of consumption.


Lawrence H. Wortzel (1977) ,"Young Adults: Single People and Single Person Households", in NA - Advances in Consumer Research Volume 04, eds. William D. Perreault, Jr., Atlanta, GA : Association for Consumer Research, Pages: 324-329.

Advances in Consumer Research Volume 4, 1977   Pages 324-329


Lawrence H. Wortzel, Boston University


The proportion of young adults at every age who are single has increased markedly over the past decade-and-a-half. Some forces that have led to this trend are presented and discussed. The effects of these forces in the future are uncertain. The "single" stage of the life cycle is undergoing a basic change from a stage in which the major activities were mate-searching and marriage-preparation to one in which the major activities are oriented toward personal growth and enriching personal experience. The effects of this change are changing patterns of consumption.


This paper has two related purposes: (1) to suggest that the young adult "singles" market is both of significant importance and of significant interest to consumer researchers, and (2) to suggest some potentially worthwhile topics (and an occasional hypothesis) for consumer research. In pursuance of these two purposes, the paper will first discuss some of the market's basic demographics and living arrangements; then the paper will go on to discuss some applicable life style concepts and to present some fragmentary research findings. Finally, the paper will discuss research opportunities. Most of the discussion will ignore distinctions, such as those based on race, education or income, focusing instead on broad trends.


Young adult singles will be a growing market during most of the next decade both because of the substantial proportion of the US population who are and will be young adults (18-29 years old) and because the proportion of young adults who are single is still increasing, although mere moderately, it seems, than in the past. Table 1 shows the present and projected size of the young adult population. As of 1975, this age group numbered some 44.5 million, making up 30% of the over 18 population. In 1985, the present cohort of young adults will be replaced by 48.4 million, representing a slightly lower proportion of the over 18 population (the over 30's ranks will be swelled at that point by the 1975 cohort of young adults).

Table 2 shows trends in the proportion of "singles" among young adults for both sexes during the period 1960-75. In this table, young adults are divided into two age groups, 20-24 and 25-29. A quick inspection of Table 2 leads to two observations: (1) the institution of marriage is far from dead. Even in 1975, over 70% of aged 25-29 males, over 60% of 20-24 year old females, and about 85% of 25-29 year old females were married. But (2) the proportion of singles in both sexes and in each age group is increasing.





A further inspection of Table 2 suggests that the rate of increase in the proportion of "singles" has been uneven across time, age groups and sexes. Table 3 shows changes in the proportion of singles for two time periods, 1960-71 and 1971-75. During the 1960-71 period, the fastest rate of growth was among 20-24 year old females and 25-29 year old males. That growth of these two groups of singles was somewhat linked is simply a reflection of the tendency for younger women to marry older men.



During the 1971-75 period, the growth rate for singles slowed down in every group except females age 25-29. In this particular group, the singles growth rate increased markedly. Part of this increase is the result of a greater number of never married women in this age category, but another portion of the increase is due to the "recycling" of divorced women back into the singles group. There has been a steady progression in the proportion of ever married who became divorced in their late twenties: in 1930, for example, Just 6.5% of ever married women were divorced by their late twenties, but by 1975 this number had risen to 17.1% (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1976).

The trends Just discussed are the net result of several forces, which might be worthwhile sorting out, especially if one's interest is prediction. A useful and, I believe, realistic organizing proposition for studying these forces is that they are either the primary result or second order consequences of women's changing attitudes, desires and activity patterns and the reaction of men to them. More specifically, some of these trends are both a reason for and a result of the women's liberation movement.

Streiffert describes the women's movement as "a special process whereby women join forces in a collective effort to influence and alter the social terms in which they live." (Streiffert, 1974, pg. 344.) Traditionally, a women's status, if not her social terms, has been dictated almost solely by her husband's status; her own achievements have been perceived by society to have little effect on her status (Felson & Knoke, 1974). A corollary, or logical extension of this tradition has been that unmarried women, almost without regard to their accomplishments, have been perceived as somehow still inadequate or of lesser status when compared to married women (Adams, 1971).

One of the important determinants of male status and social terms in the U.S. has always been education. In a society in which many more men than women were highly educated, a tradition of conferred status through marriage is likely to be accepted even by woman since their best road to increased status is through a good marriage. The years since 1960 have shown a dramatic increase in college enrollment among women. In 1960, 1.2 million women were enrolled in college; by 1972 this number had increased to 3.5 million (Glick, 1975). This increase in enrollment, of course, has had a direct effect on the marriage rate; students are more likely to stay single.

There were also some important indirect effects. As women became more educated, they became less willing to accept either conferred status or their existing social terms. They perceived that if they could begin on and make progress in careers of their own, they would develop some status of their own and could negotiate better social terms and better marital relationships. Thus, it was advantageous to delay marriage for a time. One basic objective of marriage is "to try to strike the best 'bargain'". Here "bargain" refers not to who the spouse is, but what the marital role division will be and what can be asked in return. A woman's chances of striking a better "bargain" become significantly enhanced as she demonstrates not only the potential for but the achievement of competence outside the home. The higher her status and social terms before marriage, the better the marriage "bargain".

A reasonable, though perhaps simplistic explanation for the high divorce rate among women in their late twenties can also be deduced. Perhaps the bulk of these divorce actions have been and are being initiated by women who believe they made a much poorer "bargain" at marriage that would have been attainable later. Attempts to "renegotiate the contract" with their husbands fail and divorce ensues.

There are other factors which point to continued increase in the singles population as a result of delayed marriage. One of these factors is the "sexual revolution." While the proportion of the population who have engaged in premarital sex has increased significantly over the past few years (Sorensen, 1973), premarital sex no longer carries an implied obligation to marry between the partners. Indeed, premarital sexual experience increasingly is considered necessary before one is ready to be married. Late starters, those now well into their twenties, may need more time. In addition, the widespread availability and widespread use of birth control (and abortion) is finally diminishing the number of forced marriages. During the 1960-70 period, about one-fourth of first births occurring in the first sixty months of marriages occurred prior to the eighth month of marriage (Bureau of the Census, 1976). Conceivably, pregnancy was one of the reasons for these marriages, and, given the absence of pregnancy, a reasonable proportion of forced marriages would have been delayed if not foregone. Recent evidence indicates that the proportion of brides who are pregnant is decreasing, at least among post-teenagers. Thus, there are fewer forced marriages.

Another factor is the growing prevalence of cohabitation.. In 1970, there were 143,000 couples reported as living together, representing an 80% increase over 1960 (Glick, 1975). An informal guess by an official of the Bureau of the Census suggests that this number may have reached 750,000 couples by 1975. In earlier decades, at least some of these couples would have married. In addition, the Census data probably includes only few of the college students who are cohabitating since many cohabitating college students nominally still maintain separate addresses. Studies of cohabitation on various college campuses place the proportion of cohabitating students at from 10% to once 30% (Macklin, 1972). In past decades, some proportion of these now cohabitating students would have married. Cohabitating students are apparently satisfied with their relationships (Macklin, 1974) which suggests a basis for the continuance of this trend.

Very possibly, cohabitation will "trickle down" from college to non-college youth. Yankelovich demonstrates that the attitudes and behavior of college and non-college youth are converging on a wide range of issues. He postulates that attitudes and behavior trickle down from college to non-college youth (Yankelovich, 1974). Clatworthy suggests that cohabitation is facilitated when potential participants evidence a low degree of internalized guilt about cohabitating and when they have a low perception of social disapproval of this activity (Clatworthy, 1976). In a National survey of 14-25 year olds conducted in 1974, over 60% of this age group agreed that "there is nothing wrong with a couple living together without being married" (Institute of Life Insurance, 1975). Another National survey of women conducted in 1974 in which 50% of the sample were women over 40 said they would react as follows to their daughter's living with someone outside marriage: find it acceptable, 11%; accept but be unhappy about it, 371; not accept it and have strained relationship, 47% (Roper, 1974). These findings certainly indicate a low degree of internalized guilt among young adults and they are not inconsistent with an environment in which there is a low perception of social disapproval.

It is unclear, however, as to just how long the trend toward marriage delay may continue. Young adults, especially those who are now in their middle to late twenties are very much a generation in transition. Both the men and women in this age group have been socialized into more-or-less traditional roles. Husbands, especially, have been socialized toward expecting traditional role behavior from their wives. Thus, women in this age group whose consciousnesses have been raised may feel, with good reason, that they must be well established before they marry.

There is some solid evidence that such traditional socialization is much less likely to occur now then, say, even ten years ago. Mason et al. analyzing the results of five large surveys conducted among women between 1964 and 197& conclude that there has been considerable change in women's attitudes toward both family roles and work (Mason et al., 1976). At some point (which we may even have reached already) these attitudes will be (in some quarters are already) reflected in the socialization of children. As this happens, women may not feel that they have to be established before they marry.

It is also possible that a second-order consequence of the sexual revolution might be earlier marriage. Sorenson found that marriage has become, among adolescents, less of a sexual institution than it has been to preceding generations. He suggests the emergence of a belief that people should "know their sexual selves" before they get married (Sorensen, 1973, p 358). Sexual activity is beginning earlier and it is likely that many of today's adolescents will consider that they have sufficient sexual self-knowledge by the time they reach their early or mid-twenties.

A similar argument can be made with respect to cohabitation. Participants often believe that cohabitation provides unique and concentrated premarital training in the interpersonal aspects of male/female relationships such as "growing together" and experiencing a trial marriage (Danziger and Greenwald, 1973). Early participation in cohabitation could have the result that participants will at an earlier age consider themselves experienced enough and sufficiently full-grown to choose a marriage partner. In short, experiences seem to be coming earlier in life.

There may also be economic reasons favoring early marriage. A household is increasingly a capital-intensive undertaking. Obviously, two people sharing a household do not require twice as much space or twice as many durables as two one-person households. To the extent that there are continued increases in the desired stock of durable goods, and their prices, the pressure to marry may exert itself once again. The same is true of household labor. Two do not necessarily create twice as much dust and dirt as one.

Finally, a contribution toward lower growth in the proportion of young adults who are single could come from a lowering of the divorce rate among women in their late twenties. In the short run, if women marry later, the increased experience of both spouses (plus a shorter marriage) could suggest a lower probability of divorce during their late twenties (or at least push if off into the thirties, where it becomes some other researcher's problem). In the longer run, the late twenties divorce rate could go down as the result of earlier marriages between more experienced people who negotiated an acceptable bargain and are more flexible at renegotiating during marriage.

In summary, then, it is possible that the forces that are pushing toward further increases in the proportion of young adults who are single are shorter term forces that may ebb during the next few years. There are second-order consequences to these forces that could, in the future, push in the other direction. Perhaps the discussion just concluded might point toward some social indicators that would be useful in predicting the direction in which young adults are moving.


It is a well-documented fact that single person-house-holds have been the fastest growing category of new household formation (Kobrin, 1976a, Kobrin, 1976b). A significant proportion of this growth is the result of young adults forming their own households. Table 4 shows the proportion of young adult singles living versus not living at home, by age and sex, for the years 1971, 1973 and 1975.



For both sexes, and in both age groups, the proportion of singles who were not living at home increased between 1971 and 1975. For each sex, the proportion of single adults who do not live at home is nearly twice as large among 25-29 year olds as among 20-24 year olds. The figures in Table 6 may even understate somewhat the difference between the two age groups since at least 5% of 20-24 year olds live in college dorms. In both age groups the proportion of single women who do not live at home is greater than the proportion of men who do not live at home, and the growth rate between 1971 and 1975 was highest among 20-24 year old men and lowest among 20-24 year old women.

Perhaps there are some insights into the reasons for these past trends that may suggest something about the future. A reason for the higher propensity of unmarried women to have lived away from home may have been that daughters have traditionally been denied the freedom given to sons; thus, the young woman living at home who has wanted to come and go as she pleased, to spend her earnings as she pleased, and to associate with whom she pleased has been much less able to do so than has her brother. Alternatively, it may be that it is now possible because of changed parental attitudes for young women to have the freedom they want while living at home or, it may be that the proportion of young women who could easily move out of their homes has already down so.

There appear to be some other significant reasons associated with young adults' preference for living at home which apply to both sons and daughters. A series of interviews conducted with unmarried young adults in the Boston area identified three such reasons: (1) economic. It simply costs less to be part of an existing household than to have one's own, leaving more funds for discretionary use; (2) safety. Many of the neighborhoods in which young adults live are areas where there are relatively high street crime and burglary rates; (3) service. In the parents home, there may be little or no responsibility for making meals, cleaning up afterwards, shopping, and cleaning a house or apartment (Boston Globe, 1975). It is possible that the pull of reasons such as these Just mentioned may be stronger than the pull for independence. It would be worthwhile to find out more about the reasons behind some of these living arrangements since alternative arrangements have significant effects on consumption patterns.

As of 1970, singles tended to a slightly greater degree than did married couples to live in urban rather than rural areas (Bureau of the Census, 1975). It is likely that young adult singles are more concentrated in urban areas than are singles in general. The three states with the largest concentrations of young adults singles have been California (with over 2 million), New York and Pennsylvania.


It is obvious that the single stage of the life cycle has undergone and is continuing to undergo significant change. This life cycle stage is evolving from one in which the principal activities seemed to be searching for a mate and preparing for marriage to one in which the principal concerns are personal growth, the establishment of a personal identity and credentials, and the accumulation of a variety of personal experience. Thus, singlehood is now becoming a life cycle stage to be enjoyed in its own right, rather than one to pass through as quickly as possible. The early adopters of this changed perspective have been the college going and graduating. Farnsworth notes some broad changes among the college student population: among these changes are renewed career interest, especially among women; decreased control of impulses, accompanying immediate gratification; and a search for community (Farnsworth, 1974).

This is not to suggest that mate search activities have ceased to exist among the college population. The desire to "pair" is at least as strong. It is simply the desire to marry that has been postponed.

The traditional view has held that one important reason for a women's college attendance was to improve her marital possibilities, and one of the important goals to be accomplished before graduation was the acquisition of an engagement ring. This traditional view seems now to be somewhat inappropriate. The high frequency of premarital sex and cohabitation on campus (referred to earlier in this paper) certainly signal the persistence of pairing. A recent longitudinal study of relationships between male and female college students, however, concluded that those relationships which included either a sexual relationship or cohabitation were no less likely to have broken up in a two year period then couples whose relationships did not. Moreover, this study also concluded that while women were categorized more often then men as the more involved partner in the relationship, they were also more likely than the men to initiate the breakup of the relationship (Hill et al., 1976).

A recent unpublished study conducted by this author examined the relationship between need achievement and desire to merry in a sample of young single men and women. Among men, there was not a statistically significant correlation between the two factors. Among the women studied, there was a statistically significant, inverse relationship. For high achievement oriented young women, then, marriage may be perceived as impeding rather than assisting the establishment of a personal identity and of personal credentials.

There is no hard evidence that would firmly indicate the extent to which this changed outlook has penetrated the young adult community, and the available circumstantial evidence presents a somewhat blurred picture. On the one hand, even the college population has not been a homogeneous one. Students on both coasts have been much earlier adopters of other social changes than have Midwestern and Southern students who have been more conservative. It is, therefore, entirely possible that change has not yet diffused broadly within the college student community.

Blue-collar youth have been the most conservative of all. Simon et al. describe marriage and children as the primary goal of blue collar female. Permanent occupations have been the result of unforeseen circumstances. While unmarried, they have lived virtually powerless existences in the homes of their parents, working most often at dead-end Jobs. Success for these women have been defined as becoming married and having children. Power has come only with motherhood (Simon, et al., 1972). Blue-collar males may have exhibited a somewhat more contemporary outlook, at least in that their tendency has been to avoid marriage as long as possible. It is different, however, to read much personal growth into the Simon et. al. description of the blue-collar male's post high school adolescence. This has often been a period in which the young men simply works at a variety of small jobs without finding any career path.

Set against these descriptions of tradition are findings that indicate broad agreement among young adults, regardless of social class or education, on a variety of issues (such as the sharing of household tasks between husband and wife, the combining of careers and child raising, use of marijuana, that marriage is a desirable but not essential state)(Institute of Life Insurance, 1974). Indeed, two of Yankelovich's central themes have been the convergence of the attitudes (and behavior) of college and non-college youth and the "trickle down" of new attitudes and behavioral styles from college attending to non-college attending young adults.

On balance, the circumstantial evidence seems to point to broadening and institutionalization of the described changes in the focus of the young adult single years. If anything, this focus is becoming even more sharply concentrated on those facets of experience that prepare one for career progress. It is most intense among young women who are college graduates.

While the basic changes just described may appear across many subsets of the young adult singles population, these basic changes may be accompanied by an incredibly wide range of more specific behavior. Young adults' increasing concerns for their own personal growth and for a wider range of personal experience extends to an acceptance of a broadened range of behavior in others. Virtually every poll probing young adult attitudes toward the behavior of others indicates increasing tolerance for behavior in a wide range of circumstances that in decades past would have been considered deviant.

At the same time, the increasing diversity of behavior exhibited by young adults, especially singles, appears to be accompanied by a decrease in the range of specific behaviors or activities that can be predicted from the sex of the participant. This is especially true among the college educated. There is some fragmentary evidence to support such a statement. For example, a study of the factors associated with young men's and women's choices of traditionally male versus traditionally female professions discovered that within professions there were no statistically significant differences between the sexes for a range of variables including need achievement, locus of control and assertiveness (Wertheim et al., 1977). Another study, though using a small number of subjects, focused on shopping goals and styles and on leisure time activities. This study found that there was considerable diversity in both shopping styles and leisure time activities, but that the structures of shopping goals and styles and of leisure time activities (as determined by factor analysis) were essentially similar for both sexes (Wortzel, in process).

The thrust of these findings suggests that, to the extent to which specific activities and specific consumption behavior are linked, the market for an increasing range of goods and services may be decreasingly sex related. The findings also suggest the continued or even increasing importance of AIO variables in defining market segments among young adults. It may even be time to increase the number and diversity of AIO constructs we have been using to study this market.

Finally, though, there is one consumption area of increasing importance among singles: household durables. Household durables become important both because of the increasing number of young singles who live in their own households and because of the changing nature of the singles years. In essence, the single adult's household is metamorphosing from a place in which to "camp out" while waiting for marriage to a setting in which to express one's own individuality and one's own accomplishments. It is also becoming a place of comfortable retreat from the world and, increasingly, a place to entertain.

Depth interviews conducted among young single adults (again, concentrating on college graduates) confirm this metamorphosis and indicate that it is most strongly apparent among career-committed women. A well-furnished, well-decorated apartment makes a strong statement about the owner's independence, her ability to support herself and her career progress. It has, perhaps, been quite important for career-committed young women to make such non-verbal statements in order to be taken seriously. Increasing purchase of household durables, incidentally, appears to go beyond furniture and decorative accessories. Cooking, for example, may be in transition from a necessary to a recreational activity. If and as this transition becomes accomplished, the singles household will increase further its stock of cooking and food preparing accessories.

Such changes as just discussed can have some interesting consumer behavior ramifications. Purchase of many household durables has tended to concentrate in the period between engagement and the first few months of marriage. To the extent that durables purchases are made independently of marriage plans, the accumulation period is bound to be longer, and a new set of variables will be required to identify prospective purchasers. Perhaps there may also be changes in the attributes desired. It is also worthwhile speculating as to the extent to which young adults will be bringing household goods rather than bank accounts to their marriages.

In summary, perhaps the changing nature of singlehood provides a perspective for understanding emerging life styles and thus consumption patterns among young adult singles. Perhaps most significant are an emerging focus on one's own household as a symbol of independence and accomplishment and indulgence in and tolerance for others' participation in a wide variety of activities. Significant, also, may be continued sex-role blurring in both activities and in consumption.


Young adult singles present a large variety of research opportunities. These are opportunities of both intellectual and managerial interest and their breadth is limited over by the degree to which a researcher wishes to restrict his or her definition of "consumer research". A few of those opportunities will be listed and briefly discussed.

We need to know more about the decision to stay single because of the links between marital status, household formation and consumption patterns. The conflicting forces that have produced the trends recently observed may very well change in magnitude and direction in the future. It appears that these forces include women's interest in careers, extent of premarital sexual experience, perceptions as to the nature of marriage (especially as it may impinge on career progress), desire for children, societal acceptance of both singlehood and cohabitation and the divorce rate. However, the importance of each has not yet been netted out. Moreover, the effects of some of these forces cannot be understood by studying only single young adults. In order to understand them, we will have to study adolescents, co-habitors and young married as well. One useful output of these studies could be a set of social indicators that would predict the singles, marriage, and divorce rates.

A second set of research opportunities centers around the suggested changing nature of the single life cycle stage (and some of the ramifications of that change). If these changes are really happening it would be interesting to study their diffusion, especially as they may reach down into the predominantly blue-collar social classes. The effects of such changes could be most profound among this group. To the extent that young women of blue-collar backgrounds who do not attend college adopt a less traditional view of the period of their lives in which they remain single, they are likely to have either a much different marriage from the traditional blue-collar marriage or a much higher divorce rate.

It should also be worthwhile to develop better, more comprehensive AIO profiles of singles that take into account factors such as the diversity of life styles and the degree of specificity needed to develop profiles that will predict consumption choices. Another interesting line of research might concentrate on the effects of male/female differences (or the absence of such differences) on consumption patterns and consumption decision making.

Finally, there is the whole area of setting up and managing the single's household. It should be interesting to ask, for example, whether the single's household really embodies symbols which the owner considers demonstrates of his or her accomplishments and desires. And it should be even more interesting to study the process by which certain goods take on significant symbolic meaning among this group of young adults.


Margaret Adams, "The Single Woman in Today's Society: A Reappraisal," American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 41, No. 5 (1971) pp. 776-786.

The Boston Globe, "Many Young Adults Live at Home, and Economy's Only One Reason," Sunday, Sept. 21, 1975.

Bureau of the Census, Number, Timing and Duration of Marriages and Divorces, Spring, 1976.

Bureau of The Census, Premarital Fertility, Current Population Reports Series P-23, No. 63, Aug. 1976.

Nancy M. Clatworthy, "Couples in Quasi-Marriage," in Nona Glazer-Malbin (ed.), Old Family/New Family: Interpersonal Relationships, Van Nostrand, New York, NY, 1976.

Carl Danziger and Mathew Greenwald. Alternatives: A Look at Unmarried Couples and Communes. Institute of Life Insurance, Research Services, New York, NY, 1973.

Dana Farnsworth, "The Young Adult: An Overview," American Journal of Psychiatry, Aug. 1974, pp. 256-264.

Marcus Felson and David Knoke, "Social Status and the Married Woman," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Aug. 1974, pp. 516-521.

Paul C. Glick, Some Recent Changes in American Families, Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports Series P-23, No. 52, 1975.

Charles T. Hill, Zick Rubin and Letitia Ann Peplau, "Breakups Before Marriage: The End of 103 Affairs," Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 32, No. 1 (1976) pp. 147-167.

Institute of Life Insurance, Youth 1974, New York, NY, 1975.

Frances E. Kobrin, "The Fall in Household Size and the Rise of the Primary Individual in the United States," Demography, Vol. 13, No. 1 (Feb. 1976) pp. 127-138.

Prances E. Kobrin, "The Primary Individual and The Family: Changes in Living Arrangements in the United States Since 1940," Journal of Marriage and the Family, May 1976, pp. 234-239.

Eleanor D. Macklin, "Heterosexual Cohabitation Among Unmarried College Students," The Family Coordinator, October, 1972, pp. 463-472.

Eleanor D. Macklin, "Going Very Steady," Psychology Today, Vol. 8, 6 (Nov. 1974) pp. 53-59.

Karen Oppenheim Mason, John L Azajka, Sara Arber, "Change in U.S. Women's Sex-Role Attitudes, 1964-1974," American Sociological Review, 1976, Vol. 1(August) pp. 573-596.

Roper Organization Inc., The Virginia Slims American Women's Opinion Poll, Vol. III, 1974.

John Scanzoni, Sexual Bargaining, Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1972.

William Simon, John H. Gagnon and Steven A. Buff, "Son of Joe: Continuity and Change Among White Working Class Adolescents," Journal of Youth and Adolescence, Vol. 1, No.1, 1972, pp. 13-35.

Robert C. Sorensen, Adolescent Sexuality in Contemporary America, World Publishing, New York, NY, 1973.

Helena Streiffert, "The Women's Movement - A Theoretical Discussion," Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 1974, pp. 344-365.

Edward Wertheim, Kathy Widom and Lawrence H. Wortzel, "Determinants of Career Choice Among Young Professional Men and Women," forthcoming, 1977.

Lawrence H. Wortzel, "Sensation Seeking and Affiliative Tendency as Alternative Explanations for Shopping and Leisure Time Activities Among Young Adults," in process.

Daniel Yankelovich, The New Morality, A Profile of American Youth in the 70's, McGraw-Hill, New York, NY, 1974.



Lawrence H. Wortzel, Boston University


NA - Advances in Consumer Research Volume 04 | 1977

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