Negative Consequences of Mobile Phone Consumption: Everyday Irritations, Anxieties and Ambiguities in the Experiences of Finnish Mobile Phone Consumers

Risto J. Moisio, University of NebraskaBLincoln
ABSTRACT - This paper addresses irritations, anxieties and ambiguities of mobile phone consumption. First, an analytical approach for the study of mobile phones is outlined. Second, the methodology and data analysis procedures used are presented. Third, informants’ experiences of irritations in mobile phone consumption are illustrated, followed by descriptions of experiences of anxiety, and finally experiences of ambiguity of control in mobile phone consumption are presented. In the discussion, the consequences of mobile phone consumption are viewed as products of particular local and contextual Aways of consuming@ in the context of social space.
[ to cite ]:
Risto J. Moisio (2003) ,"Negative Consequences of Mobile Phone Consumption: Everyday Irritations, Anxieties and Ambiguities in the Experiences of Finnish Mobile Phone Consumers", in NA - Advances in Consumer Research Volume 30, eds. Punam Anand Keller and Dennis W. Rook, Valdosta, GA : Association for Consumer Research, Pages: 340-345.

Advances in Consumer Research Volume 30, 2003     Pages 340-345


Risto J. Moisio, University of NebraskaBLincoln


This paper addresses irritations, anxieties and ambiguities of mobile phone consumption. First, an analytical approach for the study of mobile phones is outlined. Second, the methodology and data analysis procedures used are presented. Third, informants’ experiences of irritations in mobile phone consumption are illustrated, followed by descriptions of experiences of anxiety, and finally experiences of ambiguity of control in mobile phone consumption are presented. In the discussion, the consequences of mobile phone consumption are viewed as products of particular local and contextual "ways of consuming" in the context of social space.


What consequences do mobile phones have for consumers’ everyday lives? Currently, little systematic understanding exists of the consequences of mobile phone consumption. While mobile phones have been radically diffusing across the Western European countries during the 1990’s (OECD, 2000) and continue to do so today with increasing speed (Sohn and Choi, 2001), few studies appear to pay attention to these issues from the point of view of the consumer. Furthermore, the prevailing media conception is that technologies can improve and enrich life, for instance by reducing unnecessary travel and thereby enabling consumers to save time (Lang and Haddon, 2001). However, these utilitarian perspectives tend to ignore latent complexities and anomalies in consumption that express the everyday frustrations consumers have experienced with technologies such as the mobile phone.

Several shortcomings can be recognized. First, the research fails to distinguish everyday realities of technology consumption from their idealizations. The current technology research in consumer research lacks theoretical frameworks and models to account for the complexities in the use of technology and their general impact (Venkatesh, 1998; Venkatesh and Nicosia, 1997). Hence, there is an urgent need for exploratory approach that can capture complex, and perhaps even contradicting, realities of mobile phone consumption. Second, the previous approaches fail to relate to the consequences of technology use. Much research has been done to study the diffusion of mobile phones while the consequences of diffusion have been left without much attention (Venkatesh, 1985). In the realm of mobile phone studies, attention has been paid to lifestyles of mobile phone adopters (Leung, 1998), to satisfaction (Woo and Fock, 1999), learning (Honold, 1999), gender relations (Rakow and Navarro, 1993), structuring of public space (Kopomaa, 2000; Maenpaa, 2000; Wei and Leung, 1999), and to motivations and patterns of usage (Leung and Wei, 2000). However, only few studies in consumer research so far have addressed the consequences of technology in terms of the everyday paradoxes consumers live by (Mick and Fournier, 1998; Thompson, 1994). Third, technology cannot be approached merely as an instrument or as a deterministic system with its own dynamics (Christensen, 1999). Technology must be seen as a cultural and historical construction that is being shaped by culture and is shaping culture rather than seeing technology outside the sphere of culture. Fourth, while consumer researchers have studied addiction, compulsive and impulsive consumption (Faber, Oguinn, and Krych, 1987; Hirschman, 1992; O’Guinn and Faber, 1989; Rook, 1987), little attention has been paid to the negative aspects of everyday consumption, to the bulk of irritations, anxieties and ambiguities that consumers have to deal with during their daily consumption.

The paper sets out to investigate the irritations, anxieties, and ambiguities of mobile phone consumption in consumers’ everyday lives and consumers relationships to these tensions. The paper begins by outlining a theoretical-analytic approach to conceptualize the study of everyday mobile phone consumption. Second, the methodology used to investigate mobile phone consumption in everyday contexts is described. Third, the empirical illustrations of consumers’ negative everyday experiences with mobile phones are presented. Fourth, in the discussion section the findings are related to Bourdieu’s concepts of habitus and capital (Bourdieu, 1984).


Two main requirements for the study of mobile phone consumption in everyday life can be recognized. First, the objective of the paper is to address the contextual nature of mobile phone consumption. Second, the objective is to approach the contradictions inherent in everyday consumption. Therefore, the approach should be contextually sensitive to everyday tensions and capable of addressing the complex dynamics of continuous interaction between competing (alternative) and potentially antagonistic consumption meanings.

In consumer research, Holt has recognized three major approaches that analyze the relationship between consumption objects and consumers: personality/values lifestyle research, object signification research, and what he defines as a poststructuralist approach (Holt, 1997). Personality/values lifestyle research presumes that consumption reflects the consumers’ personality traits in terms of general and static psychological dispositions or universally shared values, with consumption patterns reflecting consumers’ fairly stable and ahistorical cognitive structures. As such, it fails to relate to mobile phone consumption as contextual, socially negotiated and constructed, historical and contradictory phenomenon. The object signification approach on the other hand, presupposes that goods embody and convey a particular stable meaning. Consumption objects are means to stabilize cultural categories and consumption is the vehicle by which relations between cultural members are expressed (Douglas, 1996; Holt, 1997).

The focus of this paper lies in the complex and even perhaps contradictory aspects of mobile phone consumption that are subject to negotiation, change and contradiction. Hence, neither personality/values lifestyles approach or object signification approach can meet the requirements. For this objective, an approach built on the premises of what Holt describes as a "poststructuralist" approach is required, as it treats consumption as a context-specific activity and can address the potentially contradictory nature of consumption meanings that characterize the irritations, anxieties and ambiguities of everyday consumption.

What Holt understands as "poststructuralist" approach is emphasized by three major principles (Holt, 1997). First, the meanings of consumption objects are interactively negotiated and constituted. Meanings do not preexist outside consumers’ "acts of consuming" as they are a product of ongoing daily negotiation. Meanings are not a fixed attribute of objects or an expression of (solely) individuals’ cognitive structures (op. cit.). Second, the notion of meaning is historical, viewed as the contingent consequence of particular intertextual relations between available cultural discourses in a given time and place. Third, meanings of consumption objects are considered to be the result of ongoing negotiation between various competing and potentially syncretic consumption discourses. Hence, meanings are by nature unstable and contestable to change.

The "poststructuralist" approach takes the "acts of consuming" as its analytical category, termed "consumption practices" (Holt, 1995). Bourdieu’s cultural sociology represents a potential way of formalizing Holt’s use of practices as "ways of consuming" as expressions of habitus. Habitus as a social-cultural system of durable, transposable, structured and structuring system of social dispositions are socially shared while individually expressed. Social dispositions organize consumers’ cognitive operations of perception and appreciation, as well as guide behavior (Bourdieu, 1977, 1990). Consumption as a constitutive and constituted expression of structured, structuring social dispositions encompasses three interrelated dimensions of perception, appreciation, and action (op. cit.). However, rather than analyzing the substances of consumption, often understood, for instance, as the possession of certain types of goods, the approach focuses on the relation consumers have with the consumption objects. The focus of inquiry lies in the analysis of the ways objects are consumed rather than being focused on the particular objects being consumed. Hence, the analysis focuses on the patterns of "acts of consuming" and their underlying social "taste" (Bourdieu, 1984).


In the spirit of market/consumer-oriented ethnography (Arnould, 1998; Arnould and Wallendorf, 1994), the current paper is based on an ethnographic participant observation study conducted in a small rural town in Finland, one of the leading countries in mobile phone consumption since the 1980’s (OECD, 2000). The study involving interviews, autodriving, participant observation and photography was designed to investigate the meanings and consumption practices of mobile phones among a group of rural consumers. The informants were sampled across age and gender mobile phone ownership. Hence, all of the informants had owned a mobile phone for at least one year. Once the informants were contacted, they were explained that the purpose of the study was to investigate the everyday uses of the mobile phone. The interviewees did not receive any remuneration for their participation.

The data reported in the current paper consists of 10 long interviews conducted in a phenomenological manner with 11 consumers (McCracken, 1988; Thompson, Locander, and Pollio, 1989) as well as 5 subsequent autodriving sessions (Heisley and Levy, 1991). The interviews were framed as conversations about mobile phones in general, consumers experiences with their own and other consumers’ mobile phones. Each interview began with a number of "grand tour" questions (McCracken, 1988) and continued to elicit consumers’ consumption experiences with more specific questions regarding for instance experiences of pleasure, irritation and anxiety. During the interview sessions attention was paid to informants’ emic terms, and the informants were frequently asked to elaborate on these terms. The interviews lasted from 45 minutes to several hours. All transcripts were subsequently transcribed in verbatim.

The analysis of interview transcripts underwent various iterations of main coding categories and their relations. The coding of the materials was done interactively with "theoretical sensitizing" of concepts (Corbin and Strauss, 1990; Glaser and Strauss, 1967). That is, the objective was to attempt to "sample" theoretically meaningful elements of the data and collapse codes into these partly emic and partly etic sets of categories. This was done by "sampling" codes that dealt with the negative consequences of mobile phone consumption: irritations, anxieties and ambiguities. The overall coding and analysis process could be described as hermeneutic (Thompson, 1997), as the coded material was first decomposed into sets of open codes, and later reconstructed in the context of an emerging interpretation, also akin to the procedure in Grounded Theory (see Corbin and Strauss, 1990; Glaser and Strauss, 1967).

Furthermore, in accordance with the socio-cultural approach outlined here, the reader must be alert with regard to the specificity of these findings to the particular socio-historical context in which they have been generated. The findings of the study should be therefore treated with care with regard to their generalizability.


A central emergent theme of the data relates to consequences of the mobile phone and its omnipresent nature (Kopomaa, 2000). Omnipresence refers here to the mobile phone’s capacity and propensity to extensively involve consumers in various consumption practices directed at facilitating availability. The consequences discussed here center on consumers’ experiences of irritation, anxiety, and ambiguity. It is noted that these illustrations are only some of the many complex and diverse ways in which these contradicting realities of mobile phone consumption were realized. That is, given that culture can be expressed in a multitude of potential ways there is theoretically not any fixed number of central cultural expressions. However, there are some central ways of relating to consumption and consumption objects.


The informants in this study were very keen on "being available" for communication at any time and in any place. They tended to engage in practices related to sustaining their connection, or more likely to the potentiality of connection with other consumers through the extensive usage of mobile phones. While this availability was motivated by the self (being able to reach the significant others) as well as by a concern for others (being within reach for the significant others), a major discrepancy occurs when these competing requirements clash. This discrepancy emerged in particular when the informants’ were asked about the situations where they feel irritated by mobile phones. Aaro, a retired male informant describes below his frustrations of the mobile phones that are terrorizing and dominating public spaces without concern for other people:

Aaro: well, it was just like, it was on Saturday at the jubilee meeting for the hunting society ... they (the mobile phones) kept ringing and ringing, continuously. In that kind of ... there were more than one thousand persons and they just kept on ringing and ringing there all the time ... well, I had it switched off and everything but people, regular folks who were guests there ... they didn=t switch off their phones many people do that ... I don’t know, maybe they were expecting a call or something or what but it is sort of annoying when somebody like Esko Aho (famous politician) has just started to talk and mobile phones begin to ring ... so that is the kind of thing that people keep it switched it on everywhere and they never remember to switch it off. In that kind of places you could think that people would (switch it off). But people just don’t respect the event that much and keep their mobile phones switched on ... once you have a huge crowd of people there are always that kind of people and many do switch it off (the mobile phone). But there are always that kind of people so that is not comforting at is one of the worst things about the mobile phone ... sort of phenomenon...

While consumers tend to emphasize the importance of being "available", they do not see this omnipresence as a positive trait of other consumers’ behaviors. Other consumers attempt to sustain a continuous contact with their significant others were conceived as disrespectful. While the above illustrated tendency to forget to switch off the alarm sound of the mobile phone when entering events, such as meetings, was a minor felony, a more pejorative and insulting way was to answer the mobile phone irrespective of the context. Birgitta, a woman in her mid 30s describes her frustrations:

Birgitta: For example, the meetings or when somebody is in the hospital using the mobile phone even you are not supposed to use it and people still tend to use them since they consider that it is so important, somebody trying to contact them and there is no other way to deal with it but to answer immediately. That is in my opinion a bad thing ... but these meetings ... that is when it makes me really angry if someone answers the mobile phone in the middle of the meeting ... it is not that long time ago that one of issue related to our organizationBwell to the other departmentBwas discussed at a meeting and it was the head of this particular department that answered the mobile phone when it rang in the middle of the meeting and I said "Don’t answer!" and he answered irrespective of that. I kind of got angry

Notable in these discourses is the absence of cases where the informants themselves are to engage in such irritating and annoying practices. Characteristically, it was the opposition between oneself (one’s need to be connected, importance of one’s errands etc.) as well as the others who were systematically attributed the lack of any criterion to satisfy the conditions of proper, legitimized public usage of the mobile phone. Hence, the ambivalence between the competing understandings of proper, legitimate public uses of the mobile phone created contradictory experiences among the informants. Similar findings have also been reported elsewhere (Kopomaa, 2000; Wei an Leung, 1999), pointing out how consumers’ one major response to other consumers’ consumption practices is to criticize their public use of the mobile phone.


Apart from irritating experiences of mobile phone consumption, informants shared a number of tendencies described by anxiety. Spurring from the norm of availability, consumers were faced with continuous and even uncomforting needs to be able to reach others or to be reached at any time and in any place. The practices related to sustaining this connection with the rest of the world facilitated worries or even forms of pathologies among consumers. In the quote below Mika expresses this discomfort about the continuous need to sustain contact with other consumers:

Mika: Well, it is the kind of ... continuous worry about whether the battery has enough charge and if the battery happens to run down and you don’t happen to have a recharger with you so ... you will lose something important or something like that ... perhaps that is the biggest worry and that I forget it somewhere ... and you kind of suffer financially ... so ... perhaps that is the biggest worry you could have ... but it is not really a negative thing merely a worry for that matter...

These worries about mobile phones and the awareness of the everyday dangers and anomalies underlying daily consumption also tend to have consequences for the consumers’ understanding of their chances to participate in social contacts. Their worries of missing the opportunity for social contact and of not being part of the communicating world as a participant were associated with almost paranoia-colored consumption responses, ideas during the moments one did not have the mobile phone along, they were being phoned to. Sofi, a female nursing student in her early 20s articulated her worries of missing of missing the potential of responding to the arriving phone call:

Sofi: Well, you just continuously have in your mind the idea that "someone must have phoned" ... right then ...when you have not been there next to the mobile phone ... and then when you are there next to the mobile phone it never rings ... at least it feels like that

Consumers occasionally experience a form of nervousness provoked by the idea of being potentially left out of contacts in their social life, of being potentially abandoned by their friends. Like the Internet, mobile phone consumption tends to emphasize the instantaneity of perception (Hellemans, 1998). Unless consumers are there at the very moment that act of contacts occur they experience a strong fear that the world is simply passing by, leaving them the role of passive bystanders (Kopomaa, 2000). However, simultaneously, consumers’ indications of self-awareness of these negative and contradictory aspects of omnipresence are also surfacing. Sisko, a woman in her early 40s describes the almost drug-like relationship that she has to her own mobile phone consumption, being a relationship of dependence or evenBaddiction:

Sisko: (...)Coffee can be sort of a hardship of the civilization, since you always have to get more of it. So you get addicted ... and then you stay awake all the time...when you drink a lot ... so the mobile phone has a similar hardship of always have to make sure that you have taken it along. You always have to carry it from one place to another. You can’t leave it in the car, since for sure someone will phone then...if you leave it in the car when you go to the store. So it is that kind of ... It is like someone had casted a spell so that someone will phone for sure...exactly at that time when you leave it in the car. For sure, someone will call...and it is sort hasn=t developed that way that it would be easy to carry it along without worries. You always have to check that it is there in the always have to check that it is there....

This quote resonates the anomalies that these totalizing consumption patterns create resulting in a dependence-relationship. Further, if we understand addiction as the inability to discontinue a particular consumption pattern, mobile phone could be defined as addictive: 1) the presence of drive, impulse or an urge, 2) the denial of the harmful consequences of engaging in this behavior, and 3) the repeated failure to control (Faber et al., 1987). It remains dubious whether consumers are able to be free from this relation even when they want to. Sirpa describes the ambivalent relationship she has with leaving home her mobile phone:

Sirpa: well, you kind of get bothered by as you always have to take it along or it is the sort of...and that is why I don’t always take it along when I drop by the that you don’t necessarily need to get hold of me at all times...but on the other hand it is so nice to be contacted...but ...(...)... Sometimes (she gets contacted) too well indeed... I almost feel sometimes like running away... to switch it off but.... On the other hand it is very nice to be it would be nice not be reached by anyone at all so that you could be on your own and stuff...

Life is not simple when you have to counter the controlling aspects of technology. Consumption simultaneously creates experiences ranging from the feeling of a loss of control to almost supernatural relations that the mobile phone might have in operating as a vehicle of consumption magic (Arnould and Price, 1993; Arnould, Price, and Otnes, 1999). Sirpa who had just recently acquired the mobile phone described how her experience of the omnipresent wireless communications had become more than a pleasant means of communication. The mobile phone had the capacity to impose an asymmetric relation that exerted on her feelings of anxiety, dependence and perhaps even powerlessness.


The third major negative consequence of mobile phone consumption is related to the relationship of control that mobile phone technology facilitates. Control has been noted to be a central defining relation that western societies have with technology (Thompson, 1994). The ambiguity relates here to the inherent double relation that mobile phones have with control: a relationship of control never exists outside the potential of exercising control and furthermore of the possibility of one living in the shadow of control. Mobile phone technology with its ability, for instance, to recognize the origin of incoming calls (caller-ID) provided the means of recognizing the caller’s identity and to serve as a basis for judgment whether the call need to be answered or not. Matti, a young electrician student describes how he uses the mobile phone’s capacities to "filter out" unwanted responsibilities:

Matti: Well it was just about going to work at the church’s community center ... when they phone from the church’s community center ... you kind of know exactly what they have in mind or then when they phone from Walkers and offer me some work as a DJ ... when you don’t really feel like going or saying no ... so you... just don’t answer the phone since you know that they will phone the next guy...

Hence, this visibility of identities in the mobile phone interface enabled the informants to manipulate their "availability", to take control of the suitability of communications. Apart from gaining more control of the everyday interactions by limiting interactions, informants could experience increasing control of significant, but minor everyday events. Informants could easily "check" where their friends or loved ones were at the time, manifested in various short phone calls concerning their location. Riikka, a housewife and a mother of five children, describes how the mobile phone is merely an instrument for her, an instrument of control. She can gain more precise and up-to-date information about her children’s whereabouts and activities:

Riikka: ...I need it when I’m traveling or like that, so I can get hold of the boys and ...or to reach the kids ... so that I can reach them. I don’t have any ... I don’t have anything else but ... it is very necessary ... it has made life a lot easier... In particular I don’t need to worry, since I can get hold of them right away ... and I know that when they have a problem, they can get hold of me. So, it is simply that ... still when Tapio is out there in the forest or somewhere ...I know that he has a phone with him and that if there will be some accident with the chainsaw or something ... or... you can get help then...

Although the quote describes a rather innocent form of control of events and other people’s everyday lives, also more radical tendencies exist whereby the mobile phones are used mainly to probe and inquire the whereabouts and activities of boyfriends/girlfriends/spouses (Kopomaa, 2000). One additional way is to use a receipt function whereby once the SMS (short message service) message has been delivered to the recipient’s mobile phone, the sender receives a notification from the operator. This is a way to be certain that the recipients have actually received the SMSs sent to them by the informants. However, when these means of control are disabled, for instance, when some consumers had denied their caller-Ids to be shown, confusion and puzzlement result, as illustrated by a quote from Mika:

Mika: Well, if it is not a secret number of anything or if the number recognition function is switched on ... that is as well annoying when somebody is using it (the function disabling the detection of telephone number) ... you don’t know who is calling...

With an ability to manipulate the visibility of one’s communication identity (caller-ID), from the known to the unknown, several and serious consequences are made to the context and conditions of successive interactions. Once the caller-ID has been an inherent everyday certainty, built-in property of the mobile phone, and when this certainty is gone, it is felt as almost confusing or even threatening. With a slight appearance of anger in their voices, the informants report their discontent with such anti-control measures. Given the virtual identity is erased, it is no longer obvious whether it will be the authorities, the neighbor or the spouse who make the phone call. It is no longer clear what is the social context of the respective phone call, resulting in an ambiguous situation.


This paper has been investigating the irritations, anxieties and ambiguities of mobile phone consumption. The analysis carried throughout the paper took place on the level of consumption practices, expressed and existing through a set of social dispositions (Bourdieu, 1977, 1984). In relation to conventional approaches studying objects of consumption, this paper has attempted to demonstrate the importance of an alternative approach that analyses the acts of consuming, and not merely the possession of particular items (mobile phones) or use of certain functions (caller-ID), but consumers’ particular ways of consuming the mobile phone.

Probably the most important point about the consequences of technology is that the negative consequences are not an inherent feature of the technology itself but an expression and an outcome of the consumers’ social understandings of technology. The negative consequences of technology, such as a) the irritations with other consumers’ practices understood as inconsistencies between competing definitions of legitimate uses, b) the anxieties evoked by consumption practices that foster and facilitate the potential of continuous contact, and c) the ambiguities in control(ling) practices, their certainties and the consequent potentialities for being controlled that these practices themselves foster and enable, are all examples of culturally constructed understandings of technology as well as actions pursued by consumers on the basis of these understandings.

Consumers utilize "the social stock of knowledge" (Berger and Luckmann, 1967), a set of certain cultural categories to relate to the opportunities as well as threats of technology. The first theme, irritations, exemplified by the way in which a particular definition of "public" and "appropriate use" become the vehicles by which situations are perceived and appreciated, being examples of socially constructed and negotiated definitions. The apparent contradiction in the definitions used in the first and second theme exemplified the context-specificity of these definitions. When consumers described the very same practices they once regarded as disrespectful, their interpretations of these practices in another social context vested an entirely different interpretation on them. Hence, the schemes of thought used to construct technology are restricted as much as they are local: "The habitus makes possible the free production of all the thoughts, perceptions and actions inherent in the particular conditions of its productionBand only those." (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 55). The social stock of knowledge that is available for consumers is limited and specific to the position that consumers occupy in social space.

However, what is perhaps even more descriptive in the experiences of mobile phones is that consumers use their definitions tactically, to position themselves in the social fields as part of the social game (Bourdieu, 1992). While it is obvious that technology is a socio-cultural construction, the point is that these particular constructions of technology reflect positions and relations in social fields where dominated positions such as those expressed among the informants in this paper are defined by subjugating experiences. As exemplified in the data, informants placed hierarchical categories (disrespect, inequality) to define, or even more so, to downgrade other consumers’ practices as well as negations of their own practices (non-me) to position themselves in social fields. The distancing apparent in the first (irritations) theme illustrated how the use of hierarchical categories enabled the informants to level one’s position upwards. On the other hand, when the very same practices that were once downplayed and ridiculed, were related to oneself, they were defined through another set of categories, emphasizing again a very particular, contextual understanding of the meanings of the very same consumption practices. These interpretations enabled the informants to victimize themselves, and consequently, to decline their capacities in escaping or resisting the negative effects of mobile phone consumption. As noted, the tactics of interpretation reflect relations and positions in social fields in terms of capital structures, whether that be economic, educational, cultural, etc. (Bourdieu, 1984). It is no surprise that when defined through the informants own, their parents as well as their spouses’ levels of education, the informants of this study can be described as "low cultural capital consumers" (Bourdieu, 1984; Holt, 1998).

I have argued here that the lived (negative) consequences of technology are not properties of technologies themselves but reflections of particular "ways of consuming" that embody a particular definition of technology and conceptualization of its uses. These definitions are socio-culturally generated consequences of particular social dispositions, not the properties or attributes of technologies themselves. While the mobile phones do participate in the fostering of negative everyday experiences, they merely do so in a set of the categories of thought and practice that enable and disable particular consumption practices and their experiences. Thus, in order to study consequences of technology, one needs to direct the attention towards the social dispsitions that give rise to certain realities of technology. If one is capable of relating to the social conditions where certain consumption practices are created, it becomes possible to distinguish the negative consequences of technology from the triggers of the negative experiences. This again will enable a broader understanding of what the (negative) consequences mobile phones may have.


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