Le Parc Disney: Creating an Aauthentic@ American Experience

Janeen Arnold Costa, University of Utah
Gary J. Bamossy, University of Utah and Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam
[ to cite ]:
Janeen Arnold Costa and Gary J. Bamossy (2001) ,"Le Parc Disney: Creating an Aauthentic@ American Experience", in NA - Advances in Consumer Research Volume 28, eds. Mary C. Gilly and Joan Meyers-Levy, Valdosta, GA : Association for Consumer Research, Pages: 398-402.

Advances in Consumer Research Volume 28, 2001     Pages 398-402

LE PARC DISNEY: CREATING AN "AUTHENTIC" AMERICAN EXPERIENCE

Janeen Arnold Costa, University of Utah

Gary J. Bamossy, University of Utah and Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam

INTRODUCTION

Le Parc Disney is located approximately one hour by car or train from the center of Paris. Originally named "EuroDisney," the financing and ownership of the amusement park was restructured in the mid 1990s to include greater French and European control and influence. However, despite minor alterations, the space itself has remained largely unchanged in structure and intent.

The organization of Disney spaces has been influenced by the values of Walt Disney, the founder and great innovator of the original Disney concepts and Theme Parks. American Disney executives viewed Disney parks as ideally free from any sort of controversy, and as such, alcoholic beverages were not part of the park’s offerings. On the European continent, beer and wine are an integral part of meals and, indeed, of everyday life, and such a ban was culturally inappropriate. In order to adapt to European culinary habits, as well as to create a center for food, drink and entertainmet to serve the captive audience of the theme park, a separate space was created, which is external to the gated and pay-for-entrance Disney Park area.

Originally entitled "Streets of America," more recent names of this space include "Rhythm of America," located within "Disney Village." While some of the specific retail and entertainment outlets have changed over the last decade, the reference to "American" streets or music remains. Located between the park hotels (themselves themed American spaces) and the gated park proper, The Rhythm of America area provides eating and drinking opportunities, retail, and entertainment spaces, all based upon stereotypical American themes. We contend that the design, signage, merchandising, fare and general products and services offered here create an "authentic" American space in the eyes of the typical European consumer.

THEORETICAL CONCERNS

Assessing "Authenticity"

"Authenticity" is a problematic concept, reflecting the extreme complexity of interacting phenomena involving cultural contact, issues of identity, appropriation and commodification, and dialectical tensions of tradition and change, as well as self and cultural Other. For purposes of simplifying the data and analysis presented here, we have chosen to focus on "authenticity" as defined and described within the literature concerning "primitive art." Within this context, discussion of "authenticity" has generated clear delineation and application, while simultaneously precipitating substantial debate that helps us to understand the factors and parameters relevant to the discussion.

In the early part of the twentieth century, the market for art from "primitive" societies was substantial. At the same time, the societies from which such art had originally derived were changing, often partly in response to the market for art. As "marketizing" economies in terms of both production and consumption came into being in places formerly characterized by subsistence orientation, art collectors of the "developed" world became concerned with the impact of such changes on the artists and art of the "developing" countries. In particular, art connoisseurs became wary of the "mass-produced" art that began to appear in the marketplace, and they felt compelled to differentiate between such objects and those individualized, unique pieces for which they could charge a premium price or place on display in appropriate venues.

In 1935, curators at the Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) in New York City produced an exhibit entitled "African Negro Art." The contents of the accompanying exhibit catalogue firmly established the reputation of the author, James Johnson Sweeney, as an authority on the definition and evaluation of "authenticity." Sweeney’s pronouncements became entrenched over the ensuing decades, pervading curators’ and collectors’ appraisals until the present day. A half century later, Sweeney’s work was revisited at MoMA, this time in the context of an exhibit concerning "primitivism" in the twentieth century. The author of this catalogue, William Rubin, problematizes Sweeney’s conceptualization of authenticity but fails to provide a viable alternative. In the end, like Sweeney, Rubin indicates:

An authentic object is one created by an artist for his own people and used for traditional purposes. Thus, works made by African or oceanic artists for sale to outsiders such as sailors, colonials, or ethnologists would be defined as inauthentic. The problem begins when and if a question can be raisedBbecause of the alteration of tribal life under the pressure of modern technology or Western social, political, and religious formsCas to the ontinuing integrity of the tradition itself (1984, p. 76; see Errington 1998 for detailed discussion)

Thus, "authentic" art has been judged on the basis of production by an artist and in a manner deemed to be "untouched" by both time and the marketplace itself. This definition has thereby excluded the multiple copies of similar, although often handmade, which have appeared in local marketplaces for sale to tourists or traders. The definition has further precluded innovations on the part of artists, as well as any alterations deemed to be a response to market demand in terms of style or form, not to mention quantity!

Clearly, the attribution of "authentic" as applied to art of the cultural Other is problematic. It implies notions of knowledge hierarchy both within Western society and vis-a-vis non-Western societies, and it invokes primitivism (Torgovnick 1990) and images of Rousseau’s "noble savage" (1762). As we attempt to understand "authenticity" in marketing and consumption contexts beyond so-called "primitive art," the difficulties increase. Nevertheless, it is apparent that marketers attempt to impartBand consumers often ascribeCan aura of "authenticity" to given products. We propose, therefore, that elements of the definition developed within the art world may be useful in understanding "authenticity" in the context of the marketing and consumption of other products as well.

Sweeney’s and Rubin’s definition and assessment of "authenticity" is based upon an invocation of timelessness and isolation from the market. It may be difficult to understand how either factor can be achieved today, particularly 'market isolation’ within the marketplace itself! We contend, however, that both the marketer and the consumer engage in acts of imagination and 'suspension of disbelief’ to attain a context in which some or all of a product offering can be seen as "authentic." This attribution of "authenticity" in a fantasy context illustrates the dialectical tensions between present and past, between real and unreal, between self and cultural/temporal Other, and between consumer and marketer. [Some theorists would refer to this as part of the "postmodern" condition. While we would agree that the particular example we will describe here, Le Parc Disney and its Disney Village, fits the description of postmodernity, we prefer to develop a framework for "authenticity" that is less ethnocentric than that which we believe characterizes some of the literature on postmodernism. In particular, we believe that the accentuation on choice, celebratory populism, and the emphases on pastiche and bricolage are all reflective of Western post-industrial society and consumption and do not apply in the same way or to the same extent to much of the rest of the world. Therefore, we eschew the reference to postmodernism for our purposes here, despite its apparent applicability to the specific instance that we apply to exemplify consumption and perception of the "authentic."]

We do not mean to imply that "authenticity" beyond the product category of primitive art can only exist in a fantasy setting. On the contrary, inherent in consumers’ attribution of authenticity to a given product is the emphasis on originality, appropriate production and use of the product, assessment of "fit" between the product and the time and place of its perceived origin. These elements can and do fit numerous consumption venues and experiences beyond both the museum and fantasy milieus. Replicas of home furnishings from earlier historic periods or from other countries are marketed as "authentic reproductions," for example, in an apparent oxymoron that nevertheless holds meaning for the consumer. Similarly, despite the romantic primitivism asserted by Sweeney regarding authenticity in "primitive" art, tourists themselves ascribe authenticity to mass-produced, miniaturized, or stylistic conglomerate versions of souvenirs from non-Western societies.

Who, then, decides upon "authenticity" as a product trait? In several of our research projects over the last decade, we have attempted to ascertain the source and context of ascribed "authenticity" in various product categories. It has become clear that "authenticity" varies according to several factors, including place, time, intended use of the product, basis for knowledge, product type, and the person assessing the characteristic. For example, in our research on museum gift shops, we found that curators, managers, museum directors, and customers from different societies bequeathed the coveted assessment of "authentic" in different ways and to varying extent according to their own purposes and knowledge (Costa and Bamossy 1995). In tourism, one tourist may assess a product as "authentic," while another may disagree (see various essays in Phillips and Steier 1999 for details). Even in the case of "primitive art," a product category that we have found to be foundational for defining authenticity, collectors, designers and curators may offer opposing opinions (see Errington 1998). In the end, within the context of consumer behavior, we believe it is most appropriate to view "authenticity" from the perspective of the consumer. However, in order to attain a full understanding of the consumer’s apperception of "authenticity," the intentions and efforts of the marketer vis-a-vis the consumer should be assessed. Marketing strategies, particularly in product design and merchandising, but also in advertising and other promotional tactics, may provide valuable cues to the consumer as she/he evaluates "authenticity." On the other hand, in some circumstances marketing may actually have little to do with consumers’ determination that a product is "authentic;" such a situation, in and of itself, would also enlighten us as to the parameters and process involved in the consumers’ judgment of "authenticity."

Consumer Space: Theming

The issue of "authenticity" arises in multiple product categories. It is, however, more prevalent in the "contact zone," where people or products from two or more cultures, societies, or countries interact (Pratt 1992). Furthermore, as discussed above with reference to Sweeney, Rubin and the definition of "authenticity" in "primitive" art, temporal distance and dimensions can be important in the assignation of "authenticity." Similarly, in themed places, cultural/geographic space and time are often created to give the consumer the illusion of consuming Otherness. Thus, because themed environments often emphasize Other space as well as temporal difference, the issue of "authenticity" may arise. This is ironically the case, even though the themed spaces themselves are created, a situation that would seem to be inimical to assignation of "authenticity." From the perspective of both marketers and consumers, however, the overall artifice of the created space seems to have little relevance to assessment of "authenticity," as we shall see.

According to Gottdiener (1998), theming of retail establishments is increasing. Greater competition and the resultant need for managers/owners to create a space that is distinctive in the minds of the consumer is one factor in the expanding use of themed environments. Gottdiener also suggests, however, that consumer desire, the creation and experience of fantasy, and the overwhelming influence of popular culture and the media are notable factors in this trend. For example, Gottdiener points to the "creation of image-driven, themed environments that are attractions themselves but also contain outlets for the sale of commoditiesthis commercial universe melds seamlessly with the mediascape of popular culture programming on TV and in magazines, advertising, Hollywood films, and the rock music industry" (1998, p. 51). Thus, the development and consumption of themed environments is part of an overall consumption 'scape that derives from, ad fits well with, the media-filled experience of everyday life, at least in Western and other post-industrial societies. At the same time, however, the consumer is aware of the fantasy creation, and we argue that the consumer typically apprehends these spaces, their origins, references and messages in the manner in which they were created. In that context, the "authenticity" of the space is viewed uncritically, perhaps even with celebratory applause at the clever and appropriate creation of a themed environment designed for play.

SETTING AND METHOD

While this paper is largely conceptual, we collected data specific to this project for the purpose of understanding themed spaces. Within that context, the issues of authenticity and representation beame salient over time. In addition, touristic and playful consumption experiences also became relevant foci for our investigation. Thus, while we were originally interested in themed environments and in culturally-based products, several of the important conceptual themes emerged during our investigation.

Both authors visited Le Parc Disney separately and together over a period of eight years. During the original visit, we interviewed (what was then) Eurodisney’s manager of "The Streets of America." At that time and in subsequent visits, we engaged in informal interviewing, participant-observation, and the collection of visual data. As mentioned above, restructuring of Eurodisney led to retitling the park as Le Parc Disney; Streets of America became "Disney Village," with certain parts referred to as "The Rhythm of America." Some of the retail outlets and space changed during the interim, while others remained largely intact. The overarching theme of "America" endures.

After initial exposure to the retail venues in this space, we researched the European historical experience concerning several of the American motifs; some of this research was developed and published elsewhere (cf Bamossy, Hogg, and Askegaard, 2001). While much of our knowledge concerning the issue of authenticity had already been refined as other research projects on tourism, the museum, and the American West matured, we nevertheless returned to relevant literature on this and other theoretical concepts significant to the project. Thus, we continually engaged in tacking between research projects, collected data, historical information, and relevant theory.

In the following sections, we describe the space as "thickly" as possible (Geertz 1972) in order to provide for both reader experience and transferability (Erlandson et al 1993). As is evident from the description of data collection, we also utilized researcher, data, and method triangulation.

DISNEY VILLAGE, RHYTHM OF AMERICA, AND STREETS OF AMERICA

As indicated above, Le Parc Disney is located approximately one hour by car or train from Paris, France. The train is used by visitors staying in Paris or by Parisian residents who are coming to the park in greater numbers since the financial restructuring that added a larger percentage of French ownership and control. Since the park is isolated from local villages and metropolitan Paris, it has been developed as a resort destination, complete with numerous hotels, eating and drinking establishments, and entertainment venues in addition to the amusement park. While the hotels themselves are themed as American spots (Newport, New York, etc), offering architecture, interior design, retail establishments and products appropriate to and representative of these American places, we chose to focus our research on the strip of eating, drinking, entertainment, and retail outlets that is located between the hotels and the amusement park. As indicated, once referred to as "Streets of America," it is now part of "Disney Village" and "Rhythm of America." Since its inception, park managers have continually visited and re-visited the question as to whether or not to make this section of the resort into a gated area for which an entrance fee would be charged.

The visitor enters Disney Village either from the hotel area or from a large open area that separates the Village from the amusement park. From this direction, the first images confronting the visitor are of the Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Show on the far right, Planet Hollywood just to the left of that, and, across the pedestrian corridor to the left, Annette’s Diner. Alternatively, entering from the hotel section, the visitor first sees the Key West restaurant with a shark suspended from a large hook, as if just caught and in the process of being weighed. A small lagoon with small radio-controlled boats serves to further ndicate the maritime character of this first establishment. Seats decorated in red and white stripes with stars flank the corridor. As the visitor navigates the crowded aisle, a gaze upward reveals larger-than-life human statues suspended from large steel structures. On each side of the pedestrian mall, retail outlets offering Disney and Mattel products, food from various American cities, and entertainment showcasing American cultural icons beckon the customer.

Various stereotypical and/or nostalgic American themes are played out in Disney Village. Images of the American West are evident throughout the site. At one entrance, the visitor is confronted with a marquis topped with statues of Buffalo Bill and Sitting Bull that marks the entrance to a large theatre. Here, the turn-of-the-century Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Show is re-enacted twice each evening, complete with warring cowboys and "Indians," horses, cavalry rescuing damsels in distress as their stagecoach is attacked, bison pawing and rolling in the dust and dirt, settings that attempt to capture the sunrise and stone of a Western desert, not to mention actors playing the part of Buffalo Bill, Annie Oakley, and Sitting Bull. Further down the retail strip is another Western venue, a trading post, offering such products as child-sized bows, arrows, guns, tomahawks and hatchets, Western-styled clothing, old-fashioned candy, canned tobacco products and buffalo meat, as well as a very expensive line of cowboy boots. The remarkable merchandising includes the front half of a red cadillac apparently crashing through the wall, with large bull horns extending from the grille, the use of old wood reminiscent of Western saloons, and a portrait of Ronald Reagan in one of his acting roles as sheriff of an old Western town! In the pedestrian corridor outside the trading post, a large, lanky cowboy leans casually back against the immense steel structure supporting his huge torso in mid-air, words "thank you, ma’am!" seemingly poised on his lips, his hand raised to tip his hat. Close to the trading post is Billy Bob’s saloon, fronted by a smiling cowboy complete with lit cigarette, rumpled cowboy hat and cowboy boots; both the saloon and the cowboy are outlined in red, white and blue neon. In front of the tavern is a separate marquis, this time boasting a Country Western singer strumming his guitar, with the name of the band that will provide that evening’s entertainment on signage reminiscent of an American movie house. Inside Billy Bob’s, a "barn-dance" layout allows spectators on the balconies to look down upon the wooden dance floor below. The saloon’s walls are adorned with photos of "good ol’ boy" Country and Western singers from the USA, while the tables, chairs, and bar replicate the imagined furnishings of saloon in the old West. Finally, decorating a sign external to Disney Village and marking its entrance, is the image of a Native American Indian, dressed in "traditional" clothing replete with feathered headdress and a loincloth and leggings, bent over, apparently dancing to a rhythmic beat and carring a bow and arrow. Below the dancing Indian, the "Arizona Frontier Motel" is pictured, with a stylized American Indian representation of the sun, indicating "Sun and Sand" in the blue sky above the restaurant, while sagebrush fill a rocky desert landscape to the side.

Overlapping with the theme of the American West is the image of Hollywood. This is perhaps most apparent in the recently added Planet Hollywood restaurant and bar, the entrance to which is again lined with photos of "classic" Hollywood icons, particularly those from the 1950s and 1960s. Another bar, situated half-way down the corridor is named "Rock 'N Roll America" and is again lit with neon, this time in the likeness of Elvis playing a guitar, glittering lights once more beckoning the consumer. Yet the influence of Hollywood is obvious throughout Disney Village, as evidenced by the polysemic Ronald Reagan portrait, but also in the 1950’s themed spaces and the restaurants that recreate Florida and California scenes so unmistakably derived from television and movie programs from the Hollywood entertainment scee.

Annette’s diner, including the design of the space in front of the restaurant itself, is clearly evocative of 1950s and early 1960s America, particularly as represented in "Beach Blanket" movies starring Annette Funicello, (a Disney product). Decorated in shades of pink with turquoise accents, neon and chrome, waitresses in tight pants and short aprons skate to each table. A curving bar, again reminiscent of 1950s drug stores serving milk shakes and sodas, flows along one edge of the restaurant. Outside, a large statue of a buxom waitress, wearing skates, a short-sleeved shirt and form-fitting pants in red, white and blue carries a tray balanced in one hand, suggestive of "Dairy Queen" or "A&W Root Beer" drive-ins. An original 1950s pink Cadillac, its length and fins startling in their dimensions, and two smaller American sportscars from the same period complete the impression of a drive-in eating experience in the United States (a rare and relatively recent type of establishment in Europe, primarily in the form of American-based franchises such as McDonald’s). A short distance down the pedestrian corridor, another pair of statues soars in the air above consumers strolling up and down Disney Village. Placed to tie together Annette’s and the nightclubs and bars, a young man, haircut, sideburns, jeans and shirt indicative of the 1950s or of Country Western music, swings a young woman clad in a flowing turquoise skirt, pink bobby socks and pony tail, into the air. Musical notes surround the couple, who appear to be caught up in a wild, swirling motion, evoking a feeling of the "jitterbug" in process. Finally, it is worth noting that two other restaurants in the area, "Key West" and "Los Angeles" are designed in ways that represent these American places in the 1950s or early 1960s, rather than the 1980s-90s when Disney Village was built. They evoke a sense of nostalgia and simplicity, again perhaps deriving from Hollywood images of these vacation spots.

The use of vehicles to adorn the space in front of Annette’s is representative of another stereotypical image associated with the United States: Cars! Europeans continue to be astounded at the size of American cars, even the smaller sportscars positioned outside Annette’s. As indicated, the front portion of a large 1950s red Cadillac appears to burst through the wall of one retail outlet, seemingly flying through the air above the head of the customer, and festooned with the horns of an American Longhorn steer. The open trunk of the same car is placed below, filled with merchandise. Decorating stores in the original "Streets of America," cars were used to represent other famous American cities. For example, a 1950s black-and-white San Francisco Police Department (SFPD) car carried merchandise in one outlet, while a yellow-and-black New York City "Checker Cab" again burst through a brick wall in another spot. A sign exterior to Disney Village, beckoning consumers to enter the space, portrays a blue, white and chrome Harley Davidson with saddle bags.

A final American motif clearly represented in Disney Village is sports. Here, representation emphasizes the American sport of football, played exclusively in the United States, but merchandising and additional images pertain to other sports activities as well. For example, a large florescent "sign" in the middle of the pedestrian corridor portrays a footbal player, rushing forward with the ball in hand, lights streaming behind him to give the impression of speed and strength. Near the status is the "Sports Bar," not only serving American style food but evocatively designed true to its namesake, brown wood and brass, television cameras suspended throughout the bar showing sports matches, with photos and statues of various American sports heroes, and pennants and trophies festooning the walls. The Disney product outlets that feature sports gear also display various Disney characters in sports outfits, while the customer aisles are designed to resemble a running track. Most interestingly, on one of our visits we noted the external signage to this retail outlet, portraying what we interpreted as a quintessential Ameican approach to competition in the sports world. The marquis announces "Tonight: World Championship! Mickey Mouse versus The Bad Guys."

This concludes our description of Disney Village. While more detail could be provided and some areas are not described fully, space limitations are a consideration. Readers who are interested in reviewing the visual representations described in this paper can refer to the Center for Consumer Culture website (go to: http://c3.business.utah.edu/ and then go to Scholarly Connections and click on "Working Papers"). We turn now to further interpretation and analysis of the themes and motifs represented in this themed consumer environment.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

According to the Disney manager of this retail space adjacent to the park itself, Disney set out to create a "fun space" in Disney Village (personal interview, 1993). As indicated, these "American" venues for food, alcohol and entertainment include the Sports Bar, Billy Bob’s Western Saloon, Rock 'N Roll America, Annette’s Diner, restaurants based on re-creating 1950s and 60s versions of Key West, Los Angeles and New York Deli locations, Planet Hollywood, and, of course, Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Show. A Mattel store, Hollywood Pictures, Mickey Mouse sports shop, Disney products store, the Western Trading Post, and the Planet Hollywood Merchandise Store all feature products of America and of Disney. Although a store was added in the late 1990s which features products of Paris, this is the only retail outlet in the entire space with no Disney or American products.

The overall design of the space is based upon stereotypical and uncritical images of the United States, focused primarily upon the American West or America of the 1950s and 1960s. Hollywood versions of famous places in America, as well as Hollywood film and television stars pervade the created environments. The music form unique to America, Country/Western, is well-represented, as is rock-and-roll, particularly those versions which were globally influential, such as the music of Elvis Presley, said to have inspired the 1960s music revolutions in Europe. Hollywood images of "cowboys and Indians" play out in live entertainment as well as pictures and tangible products for sale. But these again are primarily images from American film or likeness presumed to be "authentic" to the original foray of American cowboys onto the European continent with Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Show. Romanticized images of American sports and of America in the 1950s are also prevalent.

Thus, Disney has carefully designed and constructed a "fun space" that is a sanitized, idealized, "unreal" representation of America. Issues of ethnic diversity, gender-based conflict, the Cold War, and exploitation of and discrimination against Native America Indians are all ignored here, for example. Instead, the symbols of the '50s and '60s are presented as fun, hyperreal, authentic, "other," and "American" in the "best sense" of what that American era signified.

Our research suggests that Europeans consume the presented image of America in the intended, non-critical fashion. In essence, Europe’s appetite for "authentic America" is based upon an "exotic other" that never existed in the hyperreal, sanitized form presented at Disney Village. The original Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Show that toured throughout Europe in the 1890s is reproduced here, complete with its romanticizing of the cowboy and cavalry as heroes and Indians as spiritual yet wild, untamed savages. American film stars are consumed as they are portrayedCglamorous, romantic and sexual. American sports heroes are presented as successful, competitive icons of prowess and athleticism. Europeans eat in establishments that seem to re-create the most exciting and pleasurable locations of an America caught up in post-World ar II prosperity.

It is important to remember that, while the 1950s and 1960s were periods of intense conflict in Europe because of the Cold War, Western Europeans generally believe the United States served Europe heroically through the Marshall Plan and the Berlin airlift. Europeans saw the American 1950s President, Eisenhower, as a "wholesome" president, a general who had helped save Europe in World War II. Then, Kennedy was elected in the early 60s, a charismatic and cosmopolitan figure devoted to defending the world, including Europe, against communism, and founding the American "Camelot."

Thus, we would suggest that, while European criticism of cultural hegemony in the form of "Americanization" has pervaded the continent in the last two or more decades, most of this condemnation is directed toward the transfer of cultural symbols of the 1980s and 1990s. On the other hand, the symbols of America in the 1950s and 1960s as accepted as fun, hyperreal and entertaining in the best sense of what that America era signified.

Returning to the issue of authenticity and themed environments, Disney designed this space to portray representations of America developed specifically for the purpose of entertainment, fun, and liminality. They chose eras and motifs that are not only stereotypically American for European consumers but are also removed from the present-day conflicts. Thus, the themed environment represents to Europeans an America that is temporally, geographically and culturally Other. In that context, Europeans have found it possible to proclaim the images as "authentic" representations. A close analysis of this consideration, however, reveals that consumers "suspend disbelief" in their assessment of "authenticity" in this situation. They "know" that some of the items used to create the themed environment are "real," while others are replicas or synthetic products utilized in the creation of a space that is evocative of "authenticity." As such, our data from Le Parc Disney, Disney’s Village supports a contention that consumers’ assessment of "authenticity" is context-dependent and involves issues of time and space. Furthermore, there is a clear dialectical interaction here between what the marketer intends and what the consumer is willing to experience. Thus, a joint production of marketer-consumer involvement ensues, both partners engaging in fantasy construction and consumption, with resulting judgment of "authenticity" as the outcome.

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