Consumer Behavior Theories As Heroic Quest

Elizabeth C. Hirschman, Rutgers University
ABSTRACT - The paper interprets six sequential consumer behavior theories in terms of the heroic quest narrative structure. The theories examined are: The Adoption of Innovations (Rogers 1962), Types of Consumer Problem Solving (Howard 1963), The Theory of Buyer Behavior (Howard and Sheth 1969), The Theory of Consumer Behavior (Engel, Kollat, Blackwell 1973), The Information Processing Theory of Consumer Choice (Bettman 1979), and Experiential Consumer Behavior (Holbrook and Hirschman 1982). By examining shifts in the narrative content across these theories, we may gain insight into the development of thought regarding consumer behavior.
[ to cite ]:
Elizabeth C. Hirschman (1989) ,"Consumer Behavior Theories As Heroic Quest", in NA - Advances in Consumer Research Volume 16, eds. Thomas K. Srull, Provo, UT : Association for Consumer Research, Pages: 639-646.

Advances in Consumer Research Volume 16, 1989      Pages 639-646


Elizabeth C. Hirschman, Rutgers University


The paper interprets six sequential consumer behavior theories in terms of the heroic quest narrative structure. The theories examined are: The Adoption of Innovations (Rogers 1962), Types of Consumer Problem Solving (Howard 1963), The Theory of Buyer Behavior (Howard and Sheth 1969), The Theory of Consumer Behavior (Engel, Kollat, Blackwell 1973), The Information Processing Theory of Consumer Choice (Bettman 1979), and Experiential Consumer Behavior (Holbrook and Hirschman 1982). By examining shifts in the narrative content across these theories, we may gain insight into the development of thought regarding consumer behavior.


In many ways, life resembles a narrative (Ricoeur 1971): people are born, grow, create and die, leaving their children to repeat the pattern; civilizations come into being, flourish, and wane, leaving varied artifacts as evidence of their existence; scientific notions arise, develop into theories, and are overthrown, absorbed, or abandoned perhaps to be resurrected in a different form at some later time. Human events, whether historic or current, also exhibit a narrative quality in the sense that an element of storytelllng enters into any attempt to derive meaning from them (Block 1962; Culler 1975; Levi Strauss 1978). As events occur their observer must generate a storyline linking them in order to learn about them and to learn from them (Landau 1984; Mink 1978; Scholes 1974). In a way not unlike that of the historian or journalist, the social scientist observes events and pieces them together within an interpretive narrative. Where gaps are present in the observed data, hypothetical constructs are generated to complete the storyline (Culler 1975; Marsh 1967). Propositions regarding causality, derived from the sequence of observed events, form the plot of the theory (Landau 1984; Mink 1978). Further, just as there are ideological orientations within historical and journalistic narrative traditions (e.g., Marxist, capitalist), so are there disciplinary and paradigmatic orientations within scientific theorization, which guide and frame the narrative produced (Fish 1981; Polanyi 1962; Wolff 1975, 1981). Within psychology, for example, experimental psychologists and Freudian psychologists construct differing narratives according not only to what they observe empirically, but also in keeping with the causal scenarios, or plots, that their distinctive orientations provide them (Berger and Luckmann 1966; Levine 1985). Similarly, sociologists adhering to the Marxist or Functionalist perspective, respectively, will construct different causal narratives to account for various historic and current social phenomena (cf, Block 1962; Huxley 1963; Marsh 1967).

Interpreting Theories as Texts

Within the semiotics literature and various forms of interpretive social science (cf, Barthes 1972, 1977; Eco 1973, 1976; Fish 1980; Geertz 1983; Ricouer 1971) it has been proposed that cultural documents may function as texts. Texts are ordered systems of meaning usually composed of one or more series of symbolic codes, which may be read or interpreted (cf, Eco 1976; Ricouer 1971). Literary documents, such as contemporary novels (Long 1985), historical treatises (Goldmann 1964, Kirk 1970; Levi-Strauss 1960) childhood story books (McClelland 1961), and comic books (Belk 1987) are obvious examples of texts. Less obvious, but equally rich multicoded meaning systems have been interpreted from the texts contained in motion pictures (Cawelti 1985; Holbrook and Grayson 1986; Hirschman 1987a, b), apparel configurations (Barthes 1972), physicians' diagnoses of illness (Foucault 1973), and television programming (Silverstone 1981).

Theorization within the social sciences attempts to create formalized meaning systems derived from empirical data, which explain human behavior. While such theories may seem to be straightforward expressions of their author's knowledge, and that knowledge, itself, to be the straightforward product of objective data gathering and analysis (cf, Calder and Tybout 1987), examples may be generated to suggest that this is not always the case. The theories of Marx, for instance, have received multiple, often contradictory interpretations by investigators (cf, Althusser 1971, 1972a, 1972b); as have those of Durkheim, Freud, and Weber (cf, Wolff 1975). More recently, Anderson (1986) has described the variations in interpretation by consumer researchers that have characterized the Fishbein model of attitude structure.

Thus, just as much social science inquiry involves interpreting observed sequences of human behavior, it is also possible to interpret social science theories, themselves. That is, social science theories constitute a form of text, which like any other may be subjected to interpretive analysis. Interpreting social science theories does not attempt to pass judgment upon their truth or falsity per se, rather it is an attempt at generating novel insights regarding the theories by looking at their underlying structures. Through this we may gain fresh perspectives on the intellectual milieu in which the theories are embedded

The Heroic Quest Narrative Structure

The present paper interprets six sequential consumer behavior theories in terms of the heroic quest structure. Briefly, the heroic quest structure embodies a narrative containing some or all of the following elements (Campbell 1968; Kirk 1970; Lowry 1982; Propp 1968):

1. The protagonist is in a state of equilibrium (initial condition).

2. The protagonist is selected or set apart from his fellows (designation).

3. The protagonist is confronted with a threat or challenge of some kind (transformation-disequilibrium occurs).

4. The protagonist must engage in a quest to overcome the threat or conquer the challenge (initiation of quest/task).

5. The task or quest usually requires the protagonist to journey to an unknown place where, through cleverness and courage, he must overcome obstacles (test--->triumph or test--->failure).

6. The protagonist may be aided in the quest by a magical gift or power from a supernatural donor (special assistance provided, usually in the form of intelligence).

7. The protagonist is tested again, this time with the assistance of the gift (test->retest).

8. If s/he succeeds in completing the task, the protagonist returns home with the prize to the adulation of family and community (status transition).

9. Successful protagonists continue to undertake subsequent tasks, usually of increasing difficulty and challenge.

Landau (1984) has productively applied this structure to construct an illuminating analysis of several prominent theories in paleoanthropology. Similarly, some consumer researchers have applied this same metaphor to their investigative efforts during the Consumer Behavior Odyssey (Belk 1987; Sherry 1987). As in Landau's (1984) analysis, the present research focuses upon narrative consumer behavior theories featuring a prominent protagonist, around whom the 'action' of the theory is centered. The theories interpreted by Landau described the series of events occurring during human evolution; the story of man's journey from pro-simian ancestors to the founding of human civilization. The theories subjected to scrutiny in the present analysis describe consumers' attempts to cope with that civilization--the sometimes overwhelming array of information, choices, criteria, and products that are the challenges of modern consumption. The six theories analyzed were:

1. The Adoption of Innovations (Rogers 1962).

2. Types of Consumer Problem Solving (Howard 1963).

3. The Theory of Buyer Behavior (Howard and Sheth 1969).

4. The Theory of Consumer Behavior (Engel, Kollat, Blackwell 1973).

5. The Information Processing Theory of Consumer Choice (Bettman 1979).

6. Experiential Consumer Behavior (Holbrook and Hirschman 1982).

These were selected because they are chronologically representative of the kinds of theorization that have occurred and are occurring in consumer research, much as the theories examined by Landau (1984) were representative of scientific thought over an extended period of time in paleoanthropology. Further, each theory has aspects which, we believe, are consistent with the structural pattern of heroic quest. By examining shifts in the narrative content across these sequential consumer behavior theories, we may gain insight into the development of scientific thought regarding consumer behavior.


Propositions about the process of innovation adoption constituted one of the first narrative theories in the field of consumer behavior. Spurred by the seminal work of Rogers (1962), literally scores of consumer behavior books (e.g., Robertson 1971), articles (Midgley and Dowling 1979) and papers (Jacoby 1972)- have been authored on this topic and continue to be written (cf, Gatignon and Robertson 1985). One obvious reason for this outpouring of research interest is^@at innovative consumers may have marketing strategy utility, in that they are believed to help speed the diffusion process for new products (cf, Robertson 1971). Another less obvious reason for scientific fascination with innovators and early adopters is that they very much resemble the archetypal hero. They are portrayed, both in Roger's original theory and in subsequent extensions (Rogers and Shoemaker 1971), as restless adventurers who, like Ulysses, were always bound over the horizon searching for novel consumption experiences.

Roger's narrative also put forward a detailed description of the type of behavioral process consumers typically utilized in adopting novel products:

1. Awareness - the consumer learns of the existence of the innovation, but lacks relevant information.

2. Interest - the consumer develops an interest in the innovation, and seeks more information about it.

3. Evaluation - the consumer considers the innovation in light of current and anticipated needs, and decides whether or not to try it.

4. Trial - the consumer uses the innovation on a small scale in order to determine its utility.

5. Adoption - the consumer decides to use the innovation continuously.

Reading the innovation adoption process as a text exposes the following narrative structure: A consumer becomes aware of the existence of a novel product. The consumer sets off to find additional information about the innovation. The consumer mentally compares the concept of the innovation with the product currently being used. The consumer tests the performance of the innovation. The consumer decides to adopt the innovation on an ongoing basis.

Now let us reinterpret this structure in light of the typical sequence of events composing the heroic quest narrative: Within the community is an individual who is different in character, who is more adventurous and curious -- the innovator. The innovator undergoes a transformation, either through some internal change or because of the arrival of some external knowledge or stimulus. The innovator sets out on a journey or quest as a result of this transformation. S/he makes a discovery; and because of some special gift or superior power (i.e. intelligence), s/he is able to see the value/worth of the discovery. In triumph, the innovator takes the discovery back to the community.

The parallel deep structures (Kirk 1970; Levi-Strauss 1978) of these two narratives is clear. The narrative of heroic quest not only incorporates the major steps of the innovation adoption model, in some ways it tells the story more fully and more accurately: Innovators are those persons in the community who are more likely to become aware of innovations and/or to seek them out spontaneously. Upon learning of the existence of an innovation, these consumers are more likely to set out on a quest to acquire more knowledge. They come into contact with the innovation and, because of their mental gifts of intelligence, rationality, and education, are able to discern its advantages (if any) vis a vis the currently used product. They test the innovation carefully and, if it is a better alternative, they adopt it and make its utility known to the community.

The five-stage innovation adoption model was later criticized for its lack of correspondence to other forms of consumer decision making (cf, Robertson 1971; Rogers and Shoemaker 1971). One problem with the narrative account of innovative consumers who set forth on quests for novel consumption experiences was that the model of their behavior could not account for behaviors by consumers who were not so bold and risky. One solution observable in subsequent theories was to develop narratives of consumer behavior which concentrated upon innovative aspects common to all consumers. Consumer behavior theorists began to focus upon the exploratory powers of the mind. Consumers could think and they could decide -- as we shall show, these became the questing acts in later theories.


In 1963 a marketing management text by John Howard put forward a novel perspective of behavior as problem-solving. He later extended that perspective into a categorization of problem-solving activities that varied in the amount of intellectual challenge they offered to the consumer (1973, p. 61):

"Buying situations can be summarized into three major types, according to how much information the buyer needs. In the first situation, the buyer needs relatively little information; this is routinized response behavior (RRB), because it is assumed that the buyer is purchasing a familiar brand. In the second, he needs considerable information; this is limited problem solving (LPS), where it is assumed that the buyer is confronted with an unfamiliar brand but one from a familiar product class. Finally, extensive problem solving (EPS) requires him to develop a new product class concept and he needs a great amount of information '

Of these three types of problems solving, the one most in keeping with the narrative of heroic quest was extensive problem solving. As Howard (1973, pp. 72-73) described it:

"[The Extensive Problem Solver] searches until he finds something that meets his needs. He has some idea of how good it must be, how high it should come on the attitude scales if it is to be satisfactory. How high that is depends upon the buyer's aspiration level, which is not a completely fixed quantity. It too, adjusts over time. To the extent he is in a favorable environment -- has no trouble finding what he needs -- his aspiration level will tend to rise. Contrari-wise to the extent he is not in a favorable environment, it will tend to shift downward." (Emphasis added).

Howard's description of Extended Problem Solving is recognizable as a truncated version of the heroic quest narrative. The consumer is confronted with a change in the environment -- the need to solve a problem that has not been encountered before. Lacking the internal resources to solve the problem, s/he must set forth in search of a solution. The quest continues until a satisfactory product is found. The optimality of the product, according to Howard, is dependent-upon how high the consumer's aspirations are (i.e., how 'heroic' s/he is). Some consumers, we infer, will satisfice with less desirable prizes, while others will continue their quest until the ideal product is acquired.


Howard's insightful analysis of consumer behavior as a problem-solving process exhibiting some narrative elements of heroic quest was elaborated in greater detail and with a significant shift in theoretical emphasis with the appearance of the Howard-Sheth theory of buyer behavior (1969). The Howard-Sheth theory also followed the pattern of heroic quest in its basic elements: The consumer becomes aware of a stimulus. The more novel or challenging the stimulus, the more potential it possesses for creating a change in the consumer's internal mental state. The appearance of the stimulus causes the consumer to set off in search of information. The acquisition of information causes a change in the consumer's mental structure and may also result in behavioral change (i.e., purchase). Upon acquiring the novel product, the consumer's confidence and attitudes may be altered, depending upon the degree of satisfaction/dissatisfaction experienced. Satisfaction with the product results in repurchase.

The Howard and Sheth theory represented an important evolutionary shift in the accepted paradigm of consumer behavior. It proposed a significant change in locale for many of the questing elements of the narrative -- from the external physical world to the internal conceptual world of the mind. This was largely absent from the innovation adoption model of Rogers (1962) and hinted at only briefly in the Howard (1963) book. This shift in locale was a significant one because in many ways it foreshadowed the course of development for consumer behavior theories during the next two decades. It is in the Howard and Sheth theory that we first see emphasis upon internal search processes, internal transformation processes, and internal evaluation processes. Thus, the stage upon which the consumer's quest came to be enacted was not an external one of physical challenges and dangers, but rather an internal, mental realm in which the consumer must struggle with insufficient, conflicting or overwhelming information, must follow a treacherous course guided by cognitive heuristics and decision rules, and must gain the prize not through bravery and courage, but rather through the gift of logical reasoning.


In 1968, concurrent with the publication of the Howard and Sheth theory, a second theory of consumer behavior was proposed. The Engel-Kollat-Blackwell (EKB) theory was aptly termed a decision-process model, because its focus was largely placed upon delineating those mental activities consumers pursued in arriving at a decision to purchase, repurchase, or reject a product. In focusing upon decision processes, instead of innovation adoption or problem solving, the EKB model added a new twist to the heroic quest narrative, while still adhering to its central theme.

Recall that in the innovation-adoption theory and the Howard and Sheth theory, the consumer was interpreted to act heroically if she/he searched for and acquired a novel product. This was consistent with the traditional heroic quest narrative, in that the hero was the one who went out into the unknown, struggled with difficulties, and then successfully brought home the prize. However, as Howard and Sheth (1969) had noted, much of consumer behavior consisted of limited problem solving or routinized response behavior; these kinds of behaviors were not really heroic because they presented the consumer with no great challenges or obstacles to overcome. Hence, heroic consumer behavior in the Howard and Sheth framework was restricted largely to acts of extended problem-solving, in which the consumer went on a quest to locate a novel product, encountering and overcoming difficulties in the process.

However, this provided a somewhat unattractive portrayal of consumers, because it implied that most consumption behaviors were mundane, repetitive and, thus, unchallenging. Further, it also implied, as did the innovation adoption theory, that unless consumers were constantly on the forefront of consumption, acquiring novel products and solving difficult problems, that their lives were dull and their consumption behavior was uninspired.

The EKB model neatly solved this quandary. It did so by giving consumers credit for earlier questing consumption acts (which became mentally stored in the form of information and experience) and which subsequently served to mediate later acts of consumption. Further, even the decision to reject a product could be construed as heroic within the EKB model, because such a decision was based upon the application of the intellectual gift of logical reasoning. Thus, one of the evolutionary propositions presented by the EKB model was that the importance of using logical reasoning was greater than the importance of acquiring the product. Acquisition of the product became no longer a necessary, or even necessarily desirable, aspect of the consumer's quest. What was important -- what became the mark of heroic endeavor--was that the consumer had carefully considered the alternatives and decided, after intelligent deliberation, on an intellectually rational course of action.

Thus, the EKB text represents a variation of the traditional heroic quest narrative. The primary--and instructive--divergence is that in the EKB text the consumer is assumed to already possess the gift that will permit him to acquire and evaluate the product-this gift is the brain, or as EKB termed it, the Central Control Unit. By using brain-stored knowledge the consumer was able to recognize when it is necessary to set off on a quest (i.e., that a routine/habitual purchase was not sufficient to solve the problem). Brain-stored knowledge also assisted the evaluation of alternative products available to the consumer and guided selection of the most optimal alternative. This same ability enabled the consumer to evaluate the product after purchase and determine if it should be retained (i.e., test --> triumph) or rejected (i.e., test -> failure). However, even a test --> failure outcome was not deemed a complete loss within the EKB narrative, because valuable knowledge and experience were obtained which improved quest performance in the future.


The Bettman theory extended the developing emphasis upon mental questing processes to its ultimate conclusion -- virtually all of the action in this text occurred in the consumer's mind. In sharp contrast to the earliest consumer behavior theory of the inquisitive, externally-searching innovator, the consumer in Bettman's text searches down mental pathways, assisted by logic, attempting to overcome obstacles of information indeterminance, inadequacy, or overload; struggling with conflicting decision rules, shifting criteria, and stymied, at times, by memory lapses. In this theory, the gift -- the human mind with its awesome capabilities and frustrating limitations -- had also become the field of adventure, the challenging terrain across which the quest for the product must traverse.

Bettman (1979, p. 18) characterized the consumer behavior quest in this way:

"The choice process is depicted theoretically as a process of moving from some initial state toward some desired state.. The consumer must progress from this initial state to the desired state, which in most cases will be consummation of a purchase. In moving from the initial state, through intermediate states, and eventually to the desired state, the consumer uses strategies and heuristics...The choice process may be seen as the consumer's progress through such a set of goals. Goals thus specify purposive behaviors whose enactment is necessary to progress toward the goal object (Emphasis added, p. 19)."

The Bettman text followed closely the traditional narrative of heroic quest. There were however, two prominent sources of divergence in the Bettman version, which are instructive. First, as was alluded to earlier, the gift aspect of the quest is present from the outset in the Bettman narrative. The consumer's mind is present even in the initial stage of motivation and goal hierarchy, and serves in the later stages as both a boon and hindrance to the quest. The brain is a boon in the sense that it is the essential navigatory instrument, continuously guiding and directing the consumer in the quest. It is also a hindrance in that its processing limitations represent imposing hurdles which the consumer must either overcome (for example, by gathering additional data or simplifying a complex heuristic) or fall victim to (for example, through memory lapses or the use of inappropriate evaluation criteria). Thus the nature of the human brain in the Bettman theory caused it to function both as a beneficial gift and a treacherous course. To succeed in the quest, the consumer was challenged to utilize intellectual resources to overcome intellectual deficiencies; an interesting twist to an ancient theme.

A second variation in the Bettman model was present in rudimentary form in the earlier EKB model, but here has been developed into a more distinctive proposition. At the end of the Bettman narrative we have the very interesting result that acquisition of the prize (i.e., product purchase) serves to increase the value of the initial gift (i.e., the consumer's information processing ability). That is, after a choice has been made and the chosen product has been consumed, additional knowledge and experience are gained which increase information processing skills for future quests. This provides a more optimistic outcome than that given in the traditional narrative. In most traditional hero stories, the protagonist must begin each quest with the same skills and talents - or even with weakened ones (e.g., Ulysses). The optimism of the Bettman theory resides in its proposal that with each quest the consumer gains skills and knowledge that make future choices both easier and more optimal.


By the late 1970's - early 1980's the depiction of the protagonist in theories of consumer behavior had become increasingly centered around acts of decision making resulting from the systematic, logical processing of information. The consumer still set out in search of novel products and carefully stored the knowledge gained from prior quests -- but some important narrative elements were missing, or perhaps lost. The consumer had become overly mechanized. The success of the quest now seemed more dependent upon excellent cognitive engineering than upon traditionally heroic traits such as imagination and the thrill of adventure.

To replace these lost elements of the storyline, a dialectical set of narrative additions was proposed (Holbrook and Hirschman 1982). This experiential perspective was "phenomenological in spirit and regarded consumption as primarily a subjective state of consciousness with a variety of symbolic meanings, hedonic responses, and esthetic criteria (p. 132)." The proponents of this perspective presented a model which added these experiential aspects to the traditional narrative structure of consumer behavior. Thus the story remained essentially the same, but the consumer was provided with emotional and sensual traits.

In some ways the additional traits given to the consumer harkened back to the earlier Rogers and Shoemaker innovator model and to even earlier mythic figures such as Ulysses, Dionysus, and Sindbad. Consumers were construed within the experiential narrative not only as planners but as dreamers; and not only as individuals capable of learning, but also of feeling joy and sorrow. Although these additions served to contribute a sense of romanticism, idealism, and hedonism to the conception of consumer behavior, the central narrative remained largely intact -- the basic pattern of heroic quest was still adhered to; it simply had been made more soulful.

As Holbrook and Hirschman (1982, pp. 137, 138) stated:

"At the behavioral level, traditional consumer research has focused almost exclusively on the choice process that generates purchase decisions culminating in actual buying behavior. Thus, brand purchase is typically viewed as the most important behavioral outcome of the information processing model.... In the experiential view, the consequences of consumption appear in the fun that a consumer derives from the product - the enjoyment that it offers and the resulting feeling of pleasure that it evokes... The criteria for successful consumption are essentially esthetic in nature and hinge on an appreciation of the product for its own sake, apart from any utilitarian function that it may or may not perform."

The Holbrook and Hirschman text depicted the consumer as more human and less machine-like than the earlier information processing version. However, they failed to acknowledge a potentially negative consequence for the consumer: where there was a possibility of experiencing joy, there was also the possibility of experiencing anguish; and consumers who knew the exhilaration of success may also encounter the depression of defeat. The experiential consumer had to face the full consequences of his thoughts, his senses and his emotions.


The foregoing interpretation of six consecutive theories of consumer behavior in terms of the heroic quest narrative structure has brought to light several similarities and dissimilarities among the texts. However, all of the theories exhibited a structure consistent with that of the heroic quest narrative. Each depicted a central protagonist -- the consumer -who searched for products, and was, in turn, altered by the process. Further, in each of the theories, the consumer began-the narrative in a state of equilibrium, but without the product. S/he was then transformed to a state of disequilibrium by various means, which included--in sequential order of their appearance in the texts--venturesomeness, internal arousal, problem recognition, the arrival of novel information, and emotional-sensual imagery. In response to this state of disequilibrium, the consumer set off on a quest containing elements of external search, internal search, or combinations of these activities. While on the quest a number of possible outcomes were posited to occur (1) a novel product was discovered and acquired (test--->triumph), (2) a known product was acquired (test-->triumph), or (3) the search proved too costly or was ineffective, resulting in abandonment of the quest (test-->failure). The acquired product might or might not prove useful, satisfactory, or effective (test-->retest). Finally, the protagonist was altered in some way as a result of the quest (transformation to a new status); usually this alteration consisted of a change in mental structures, e.g. criteria or decision rules, although shifts in emotional, psychological, and physiological changes were also suggested in some of the texts. In a structural sense (cf, Levi-Strauss 1963, 1978) the theories were homologous to one another and to the heroic quest narrative.

However, within the structural framework outlined above, significant shifts in the theories' narrative content over time were discerned. Among the most readily apparent of these was marked movement toward cognitization of the consumer. Successively, the first five texts discussed, from Roger's innovative adopter to Bettman's information processor, displayed an increasing emphasis on the mental aspects of the protagonist. As theorization developed from the Rogers text to the Bettman text, not only was the initial state of disequilibrium more likely to be attributed to a mental source, but the quest and resolution portions of the narrative also were more likely to occur in cognitive locales.

The shift toward greater cognitization of the consumer in these narratives may reflect the growth in influence of cognitive psychology on the field of consumer behavior during the decade of the 1970's, which arguably culminated in the publication of Bettman's (1979) book. After that apex, an ideological dialectic began to surface, one manifestation of which was the Holbrook-Hirschman (1982) text of the feeling, sensing, emoting experiential consumer. Thus, although all six theoriesstructurally "tell the same story," their specific contents appear to mirror changes in the ideological foundations of consumer behavior from the early 1960's to the early 1980's.


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